HAITI-AUGUST20

Haiti’s Stolen Centuries: From France’s 1825 “Ransom” to Vectus Global’s New Incursion

By InnerKwest – Haiti Historian – August 20, 2025

Two hundred years after France forced the world’s first Black republic to pay for its own freedom, Haiti faces a new bill—this time in the currency of sovereignty. In mid-August 2025, Blackwater founder Erik Prince said his new company, Vectus Global, has a 10-year deal with Haiti’s interim authorities: first to fight gangs, then to help collect taxes at the Dominican border—a core function of the state. The promise is “security and revenue.” The price may be deeper dependency—and a quiet receivership by private force (Reuters, AP).

The Original Heist

In 1825, King Charles X sent French warships to Haiti with an ultimatum: pay 150 million gold francs (later cut to 90 million) to “compensate” former slaveholders—or face invasion. France would otherwise withhold recognition of Haiti’s independence. It took until 1947 for Haiti to finish paying down the indemnity and associated loans—decades of budgets siphoned to soothe the pride of a former empire (Wikipedia).

This was not just a transfer of wealth. It rewrote Haiti’s future. The “ransom” was financed through high-interest loans underwritten by French and later U.S. banks, creating a debt spiral that extracted public revenue for generations. Modern economists estimate the long-run toll at anywhere from $21 billion to $100 billion in today’s terms (Guardian).

On the bicentennial in April 2025, French President Emmanuel Macron publicly called the indemnity “unjust” and announced a joint Franco-Haitian historical commission (AP). But he stopped short of reparations—precisely what Haitian and Caribbean advocates are pressing for.

The Debt’s Shadow in 2025

Haiti’s present crisis—gang takeovers, displaced communities, collapsed commerce—did not emerge in a vacuum. When a country spends the better part of a century servicing someone else’s demands, state capacity withers. That hollowing out is what criminal groups exploit: weak policing, narrow tax base, limited courts, and overwhelming public distrust. Recent tallies place thousands of deaths in 2024–2025 as gangs tightened their grip on Port-au-Prince and key routes (Reuters).

Into that vacuum steps a familiar 21st-century actor: the private military contractor. In the 2000s it was Iraq and Afghanistan; in the 2020s, fragile states across Africa and the Americas. The pitch is always the same—“fast, flexible, results-oriented.” The risks are equally consistent: accountability gaps, mission creep, and the outsourcing of sovereign functions.

Vectus Global’s Haitian Footprint

Prince has said Vectus Global has been operating in Haiti since March 2025, initially deploying drones and a small footprint, with plans to bring in several hundred foreign fighters along with helicopters and boats. He described a 10-year engagement: year one to stabilize security and reopen main corridors; then a pivot to designing and implementing border-tax collection with the Dominican Republic—arguably the most critical revenue valve in Haiti’s economy. Haitian authorities have offered few details publicly; Washington denies involvement (Reuters).

Rights groups warn of extrajudicial killing risks, duplication or sidelining of Haitian National Police efforts, and undercutting the Kenya-led multinational mission that was supposed to bolster Haiti’s institutions rather than replace them (AP).

The tax angle is especially combustible. Haitian officials have acknowledged they’re exploring a private firm to collect border taxes, though they insist no final contract has been awarded (Reuters). But the very idea of leasing out the lifeblood of fiscal sovereignty echoes the worst moments of the colonial past.

From Ransom to Receivership?

There is a haunting rhyme here: In 1825, France extracted cash flows from a newborn Black republic and called it “recognition.” In 2025, a PMC proposes to extract security and taxes on the state’s behalf and calls it “stabilization.” The euphemisms change; the logic is familiar.

To be clear, Haiti’s current nightmare is real. Armed groups have strangled trade routes, displaced families, and terrorized neighborhoods. People need relief now. But outsourcing the sovereign levers—the monopoly on legitimate force and the power to tax—imposes long-term costs that are notoriously hard to unwind. The immediate win (“roads reopened”) can be overshadowed by institutional atrophy and public resentment.

What a Just Course Correction Would Look Like

  1. Reparative finance rather than private force. France’s admission of injustice should open the door to a reparations-style fund, governed by Haitians and diaspora experts, to rebuild police, courts, and customs transparently.
  2. Guardrails on external assistance. If contractors are used, they should be logistics and training support only, not parallel chains of command or tax collectors.
  3. No privatization of the tax base. The badge, the ledger, and the seal must remain Haitian.
  4. Regional compact. The CARICOM reparatory justice agenda should be the frame for international support (CARICOM).

Questions That Matter Now

  • Who signed what? Where is the contract text?
  • Who controls lethal force? Under which rules of engagement?
  • Who touches the money? Will customs data sit on private servers?
  • What is the endgame? Will Haitian ministries gain capacity, or will dependency deepen?

Conclusion: Pay Back What Was Taken—Don’t Lease What’s Left

Haiti does not need another century of “solutions” that mortgage the future. It needs redress for the original crime and investment in the institutions that crime crippled. France has taken a small step by admitting the injustice. The international community should take the next one—funding and protecting Haitian state capacity, not conceding it to mercenary franchises whose profit model depends on Haiti’s weakness.

Author’s Personal Note

Why has Haiti so often been singled out for Western intrusion, in ways that dwarf the growth of other young nations? The pattern reveals more than geopolitics—it suggests a kind of inhumane delirium, a refusal to allow this small Black republic to flourish on its own terms. And the world, while professing concern, too often pretends not to grasp the full cruelty of Haiti’s present condition.


Sources & Further Reading


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